Monday, 8 July 2013

What's happened to the real value of the UK minimum wage?

The low Pay Commission, report 2012, figure 2.5 tells us.  it has risen quite a lot 1999-2011, but concentrated in the early years.




Here's what it says:
 2.20 Since its introduction in April 1999, the adult rate of the NMW has increased by 69 per cent from £3.60 an hour to £6.08 an hour in October 2011. Figure 2.5 shows that this is much faster than the growth in average earnings, inflation (whether measured using the Consumer Prices Index (CPI) or the Retail Prices Index (RPI)) or the economy. Between April 1999 and October 2011, average earnings including bonuses (measured using a combination of the Average Earnings Index (AEI) and AWE) grew by around 55 per cent, RPI inflation rose by 44 per cent and CPI inflation by 31 per cent.

2.21 Had the initial adult rate of the minimum wage been uprated in line with average earnings growth, it would only have been £5.60 an hour by October 2011, 48 pence below its current level. If instead, it had been increased in line with price inflation, it would have been £4.71 using consumer prices and £5.19 using retail prices. These are respectively £1.37 and 89 pence less than the current adult rate of the minimum wage. It is evident, therefore, that the adult rate of the minimum wage has increased its relative value (compared with average earnings) as well as its real value (compared with price inflation) since its introduction. In contrast, nominal gross domestic product (GDP) grew by 67 per cent between the first quarter of 1999 and the third quarter of 2011, roughly in line with the increase in the minimum wage.
 2.22 However, most of the real and relative increases in the minimum wage occurred as a result of the comparatively large upratings from October 2001-October 2006. Since that time, the adult rate of the minimum wage has risen more or less in line with average earnings but has lagged price increases. The minimum wage increased by 13.6 per cent between October 2006 and October 2011. This compares with increases of 13.2 per cent in average earnings and higher rises of 17.2 per cent in CPI and 18.8 per cent in RPI.

It is curious to me at least, that in the productivity debate, the story is that falling real wages  have helped employment.  But in the min wage debate, rising real wages have apparently not hurt employment.   This seems a puzzle.

Friday, 5 July 2013

Improved estimates of investment (wonkish)

The ONS has improved estimates of investment in important ways, for me anyway.

1. Own-account software gets at 15% operating surplus adjustment. See section 3.3 of this: GDP continuous improvement: improvements to the estimation of gross fixed capital formation in the UK National Accounts. 

2. Artistic originals implement a number of measures we suggested in our earlier work, see  GDP Continuous Improvement - The Measurement of Artistic Originals in the UK

3. GFCF is now bottom up:  
"Prior to the Quarterly National Accounts Q1 2013, and the Business Investment Statistical Bulletin Q1 2013 releases, GFCF was estimated at the total level, and proportioned to the asset, sector and industry series.
See section 3.1 of this: GDP continuous improvement: improvements to the estimation of gross fixed capital formation in the UK National Accounts. 

4. what does it all mean?  This is part of the reason why the fall in GDP is more than we thought.


Wednesday, 3 July 2013

Innovation Matters: Reviving the Growth Engine

I have had the pleasure of working with McKinsey who have done  a report that was presented at the G8 innovation summit 14th June 2013 last week.

The webpage is here.
The report is here.
The YouTube video presentation is here and the program of presenters, including David Willetts and the PM is here. 

Infrastructure

To those who think that infrastructure spending will solve our problems, today's FT suggests, to me at least, how hard the politics around this are. Here's then minister Peter Mandelson,

"In 2010, when the then Labour government decided to back HS2...We were focusing on the coming electoral battle, not on the detailed facts and figures"

Even then the facts and figures are pretty hard to sort out:

" The cost-benefit analysis for the rail scheme assumes that faster trains will produce £21bn of economic benefits simply because passengers will spend less unproductive time.
 Hilary Wharf, director of the HS2 Action Alliance, said £21bn of the £48bn of forecast economic benefits from HS2 depended on the assumption that people did not work on trains.
Philip Rutnam, permanent secretary at the Department for Transport, admitted that the modelling was based on a survey that was now “a decade old” – before the era of handheld devices.
A report for the DfT in 2009 found train journeys had become much more productive. “The obvious causes of this trend are in the general availability and use of mobile phones and laptop computers,” it said.  Yet the HS2 analysis has not taken this change into account. “We are seeking to revise that,” Mr Rutnam told the public accounts committee of MPs, revealing that an altered business case would be published in the autumn.

Can governments use procurement to boost innovation? The US story.


Many have argued that governments can improve growth by procuring “well”, that is to say, in such a fashion that will promote innovation.  In Europe there is a lot of romance about some US examples like DARPA or the SBIF or Apollo/Manhattan programs.   But what are the facts?  David Mowery gave a wonderful presentation today on lessons of procurement from the US. Here is my take on it.

1.     1.  US public procurement is separated in the data from R&D. Federal procurement is actually 63% military.  The non-defense part of procurement is mostly energy, federal housing and veterans admin (mostly drugs and hospital equipment).
2.      2. Note that DARPA and SBIR are not, in the data, procuring.  They are under separate accounts, but besides the accounting point, the important point is that there is an R&D and a procurement program i.e. two instruments.  The former might be used for R&D and the latter for buying the cheapest regardless of innovation.  Or the latter might be used to complement the former.   But with two instruments its not necessarily the case that not using procurement for innovation is missing a trick.
3.      3. The Apollo and Manhattan projects were designed deliberately not to be adopted in the private sector.  So that is very different to e.g. using procurement to trying to find a solution to a grand challenge, like health.   
4.      4. Procurement can take many firms
a.      Paying just for the prototype.   That might encourage innovation just up to an early stage.
b.      Requiring, as in the case of semiconductors, more than one supplier when procuring.  That helps competition and information sharing between the two suppliers.
c.       Paying for the whole project but not promising to then buy the final product.
d.      Paying for the whole project and also buying the final product perhaps from one supplier

5.      some practical details.
a.      Most procurement can be thought of as demand pull.  It procures a product for a particular government missions.
b.      Less common are policies to specifically encourage particular new technologies e.g. deliberately buying innovative energy products to push a green agenda.

6.      How might benefits to innovation from procurement come via the demand pull mechanism?
a.      A lead customer who buys the product might helps firms learn, give them scale economies etc.
b.      Procurement contracts might require new suppliers  or might legitimize standards.

7.      Perhaps most interesting are some cases.  
a.      The big success is IT.  In the 1950s the US military procured  a lot of e.g. software and semiconductors.  This helped Texas Instruments for example to develop semiconductors and seems to have crowded in other suppliers.  Note that one provision of this program was that more than one supplier was needed and this made sharing of information and common standards in the industry a common practice. But note that by the late 1960s, the military was buying a very small share of IT products, so exit by the public sector was important.  In addition, the projects were, in fact, highly complementary to private sector needs.  Indeed, they are the victims of their own success: the military now buys software from the private sector since it’s more advanced.   An attempt by the military in the 1980s to have its own software was a failure.  So ultimately the success was to develop something that was very complementary to private sector needs and the private sector just took over the lead.
b.      Perhaps less well known are some failures.  For example, in the 1970s/80s the USAF tired to develop CNC machine tools but they were a failure: the Japanese did much better.  Another example was civilian nuclear power.  This program focused on PWRs since they were going to be used by nuclear subs.  They were a failure, unsafe and became unused etc.

8.      so what are the lessons?
a.      If the project is aligned with civilian needs, then more chance to be widely adopted.  Very hard to say ex ante: indeed totally impossible.   Components will have more chance rather than a whole system perhaps.   Or maybe the link is endogenous, maybe procurement can try to encourage sharing etc.
b.      There’s a natural tension between wanting to get the lowest price and wanting to support innovative products which might be expensive.   But when there are two targets you need two instruments and you have this: an R&D and a procurement budget.
c.       The Apollo and Manhattan projects highlight that the purpose of the project has to be clear: they were never intended for public use, so aren’t good examples of encouraginginnovation.  Indeed, that is case where the procurement project was a different instrument to the R&D budget.
d.      Supporting prototypes might be good since they don’t mean lock into a whole project. But prototypes are impossible in some technologies e.g. nuclear submarines.

Finally, in the discussion, David Mowery made some other very interesting points.  My interpretation of them are:
1.              the romance with SBIR is misplaced.  There are very few rigorous studies of its effectiveness and what studies there are show very mixed results
2.              Much of venture capital in the US does not just supply money.  It also provides managers, help with business plans etc. that’s why some of them are very local, since they are tailor to local labor market needs.   So it may not be something that the EU can imitate by just providing money if the EU cannot also supply the other skills and advice.
3.              Regarding tech transfer, everyone seems to concentrate on the gross return that universities make from ownership of IP.  The net return, aside from some very few top universities, is very modest, because it costs a lot of money to run the office and do the work.  In particular, it costs a lot for patent attorneys (although these costs might be reduced by universities sharing facilities).